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Ali Larijani's past record with Ahmadinejad has been a tug of war. He was considered the conservatives' strong candidate in 2005 presidential elections, but fell flat as Ahmadinejad won over poor Iranians with promises of government aid and spoils from the nation's oil wealth. Later, as Iran's nuclear negotiator, Larijani was the West's pointman for talks until dispute with the president forced him to resign in 2007. Larijani claimed Ahmadinejad's belligerent rhetoric would often unravel any perceived progress in nuclear talks.
The Larijanis represent Iran's elite conservatives with a power base among the hard-line clerics in Qom, the center of Islamic learning in Iran. zdqrypj0827 There are five brothers, sons of the late Ayatollah Hashem Amoli, a respected Islamic scholar. hangzhou escort girl Mohammad Javad Larijani studied physics at Berkeley and works in the judiciary; Baquer is a physician who heads the Tehran Medical University and the fifth, Fazel, was a cultural attache in Canada. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad doesn't have to look to the street protests or angry Web sites to get a sense of challenges ahead for his disputed second term. There's enough potential heat coming from right inside the country's leadership.
And these days, that trouble has a name: the brothers Larijani. Ali Larijani is Iran's urbane parliament speaker and has made no secret of his annoyance with Ahmadinejad's gruff and populist style. Larijani's younger brother, the cleric Sadeq, has been appointed justice chief by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has final say on all major affairs. Khamenei has publicly backed Ahmadinejad all during the violence and political upheavals since the June 12 presidential election. But his choice of Sadeq Larijani could indicate an attempt to rein in Ahmadinejad's reach and cement the loyalty of the powerful Larijani clan to the theocracy. It's also part of a larger narrative of growing splits between Ahmadinejad backers — including the powerful Revolutionary Guard — and other hard-line factions that question whether he is a potential liability for Iran as the country tries to regain its international standing.
The internal rivalries could leave Iran less able to focus on looming matters such as Washington's offer to open talks before a White House-imposed September deadline. In at least one way, Iran's political system is not unlike America's presidential chase. One election is barely over when the maneuvering for the next one is under way. The Larijanis appear to be gaining stature as favored sons of the Islamic leaders — just as hangzhou escort girl Ahmadinejad was elevated from relative obscurity in 2005 — and possibly emerge as a rising political force in coming years, analysts say. In the meantime, they will have an open forum to either bolster or confront Ahmadinejad. So far, the signs have been toward friction. "Two branches of authority, the parliament and the judiciary, are now controlled by the Larijanis, this is quite a tenuous position for Ahmadinejad," said Fariborz Ghadar, senior adviser at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.
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